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At the opening of the Studium Generale for the 2026 summer semester, its director, Prof. Werner Frick, pointed out that the 250th anniversary of the United States would have been the natural choice for the Saturday lectures. For obvious reasons, that idea was set aside. Instead, the committee opted for the topic "Neighbor France."
Dr. Claire Demesmay opened the lecture
series with "Experiencing Borders - Between Openness and
Delimitation."
Claire delivered her talk with verve and charm, what else?
In the European Union, border regions hold particular significance, as they cover 40% of the territory and are home to 30% of the population. They account for roughly one-third of the EU's gross domestic product. The strategic role of border regions is becoming increasingly apparent. It is there that the strengths and weaknesses of European integration come to light.
Since the Peace of Westphalia, sovereign nations in Europe have developed, drawing borders to strengthen national cohesion. These legally defined lines served to stabilize the balance of power.
The result of this nation-state system was bloody wars in Europe, almost always intended to shift borders.
After World War II, far-sighted European statesmen such as Robert Schuman, Alcide De Gasperi, and Konrad Adenauer concluded that enough is enough. They underlined what a high-ranking Brandenburg official had noted after the devastating Thirty Years' War, "We found the entire country [i.e., Europe] in such a pitiful state that one must feel greater compassion for the innocent people everywhere than can be adequately expressed in writing." Or, to put it more bluntly, using an analogy from farming, "Die Karre ist tief in den Koth geschoben (The cart has been pushed deep into the shit)."
Already in 1667, Prussia's Great Elector Frederick William drew his
conclusion in his political testament:
Der Friede ernährt, der Krieg aber verzehrt (Peace nourishes, but war
consumes).
The Treaties of Rome, signed on March 25, 1957, by France, West Germany, Italy, and the Benelux countries, established the European Economic Community. They marked the shift from cooperation to integration.
As a result, national borders came to be seen as places of encounter and cross-border cooperation, and border regions became key players in European integration.
The Schengen Agreement of 1985, initially signed by Germany, France, and the Benelux states, marked the beginning of the dismantling of border controls and the creation of a common European space. With the abolition of internal borders, the external borders became, in the wake of migrant flows, the line of defense for the European space.
The Treaties of Rome, signed on March 25, 1957, by France, West Germany, Italy, and the Benelux countries, established the European Economic Community. They marked the shift from cooperation to integration.
As a result, national borders came to be seen as places of encounter and cross-border cooperation, and border regions became key players in European integration.
The Schengen Agreement of 1985, initially signed by Germany, France, and the Benelux states, marked the beginning of the dismantling of border controls and the creation of a common European space. With the abolition of internal borders, the external borders became, in the wake of migrant flows, the line of defense for the European space.
But, right-wing parties are questioning the system of external borders and, caught in the tension between security and mobility, are calling for the reintroduction of internal border controls, thereby following a logic of separation that contradicts the desire for cooperation and togetherness.
In fact, there are still obstacles to mobility, particularly between France and Germany, which are largely due to differences in wages and purchasing power on the other side of the non-existent "border". On the French side, pressure on the real estate market from German neighbors is becoming noticeable.
Recruiting qualified workers is also becoming difficult because proficiency in the other country's language is declining.
In a policy of small steps, Strasbourg MEP Brigitte Klinkert has presented concrete recommendations to strengthen cross-border cooperation.
- This includes mutual recognition of environmental stickers.
- Educational partnerships are to be intensified.
- Cross-border companies are to receive special status within the framework
of European inter-programs.
- The population on both sides of the border is to be involved in shaping
their "shared living space" through local events.
Then Claire presented her study, in which she closely accompanied 12
families from the Saar-Mosel region between October 2024 and May 2025 and
interviewed them about their situation in the border region.
The results presented were interesting, but not conclusive, for they can
hardly be applied to the situation along the Rhine between Baden and Alsace.
While Germans in the Saar region cross the border to France almost
daily, the French limit their border crossings to twice a week.
One interviewee said, "So the point is, there are no borders." You go left and right- sometimes
you're in Germany, sometimes in France; Dad is French, Mom is German. What
I mean is, this is completely normal; for us, I think it's perfectly
natural. When you cross the street, you immediately come to this side, and
on the other side is simply France.
As a "bone of contention" between France and Germany, the Saar region has a
history similar to that of Alsace, though with the opposite outcome and a
shorter duration.
In 1919, following World War I, the Saar region was separated from Germany
under the Treaty of Versailles and placed under League of Nations
administration for 15 years, while France gained control of the coal mines.
Following the "occupation period," the people of the Saarland voted in a 1935 plebiscite to rejoin Germany, with an overwhelming 90% majority.
After World War II, a similar procedure took place. The Saar region, occupied
by France, became the Saar Protectorate in 1947. The Saar was politically
separated from Germany and economically tied to France. The people of the
Saarland had their own citizenship and even their own Olympic team.
Konrad Adenauer, the fox, saw the Saar as a stumbling block in Franco-German
relations and pushed for a referendum on the Saar Statute. The key points
were:
- The Saar would not return to Germany immediately
- It would become a "European territory" under the authority of the Western European Union
- It would be politically autonomous but economically linked to France
- It would become a "European territory" under the authority of the Western European Union
- It would be politically autonomous but economically linked to France
The people of the Saar went to the polls on October 23, 1955.
Commentators viewed the acceptance of the Saar Statute as a cementing of the
status quo under French influence. A "no," on the other hand, was widely
understood as a desire to join West Germany.
The referendum result was clear: 67% voted "no."
After brief negotiations, the Saar became a new state of the Federal Republic of Germany on January 1, 1957.
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